1. Hills, George Morgan, History of the Church in Burlington, New Jersey; Comprising the Facts and Incidents of Nearly Two Hundred Years, From Original, Contemporaneous Sources (Trenton, N.J.: W. S. Sharp, 1876), 424–34 (first quotations).Google Scholar[Rensselaer, Cortlandt van], “A Presbyterian,” “One Faith:” or, Bishop Doane vs. Bishop M'llvaine on Oxford Theology; Exhibited in Extracts from the Writings of the Diocesans of New Jersey and of Ohio (Burlington, N.J.: J. L. Powell, 1843), 37, 69 (last quotations). The “Greek Cross” design selected by Doane features four arms of equal length, in contrast to the traditional Latin cross design, in which the lower arm is longer than the three other arms.Google Scholar

2. Warren, Ira, The Causes and the Cure of Puseyism: or, the Elementary Principles of Roman Error Detected in the Liturgy, Offices, Homilies, and Usages of the Episcopal Churches of England and America; With a Proposed Remedy (Boston: Crocker & Brewster, 1847), 168–69 (first quotation).Google ScholarA similar report came from California, where one correspondent noted that a local “Episcopal chapel … has been surmounted by a cross, and in consequence, is frequently mistaken for a genuine Roman Catholic place of worship.” “California,” New Englander and Yale Review, 11. 1850, 596.Google Scholar“The Cross in Italy,” Presbyterian Magazine, 02. 1852, 92 (last quotation).Google ScholarBurlington's Presbyterian pamphleteer offered an extended discussion of the cross's Roman Catholic associations in “One Faith,” 70–72, explaining how “For many ages, the Cross has been specially identified with the Church of Rome.”Google Scholar For the Catholic Church's canon law regarding church symbols, see Connell, J. B. O', Church Building and Furnishing: The Church's Way, A Study in Liturgical Law (Notre Dame, Ind.: University of Notre Dame Press, 1955), 5–7, 105–6, and 205–8Google Scholar and also Ceremonial for the Use of the Catholic Churches in the United States of America, 5th rev. ed. (Baltimore: J. B. Piet, 1883).Google Scholar An eyewitness account of the cross-burning episode at St. Augustine's Church can be found in A Gentleman of Much Promise: The Diary of Isaac Mickle, 1837–1845, ed. Mackey, PhilipEnglish (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1977), 2:444–46.Google Scholar For the Mount Bellingham cross-burning episode, and for a broader view of Protestant violence directed at Roman Catholic churches in America, see Billington, Ray Allen, The Protestant Crusade, 1800–1860: A Study of the Origins of American Nativism (New York, 1938; reprint, Chicago: Quadrangle Books, 1964), 305–9 and passim.Google Scholar

3. “One Faith,” 70 (first quotation).Google ScholarUpjohn, Everard Miller, Richard Upjohn, Architect and Churchman (New York: Columbia University Press, 1939), 55–56.Google ScholarRichards, C. A. L., quoted in Allen, Alexander V. G., Phillips Brooks, 1835–1893, Memories of His Life … (New York: E. P. Dutton, 1908), 45–46 (last quotations).Google Scholar These initial conflicts frequently occurred in Episcopal circles because that denomination was among the earliest of the major Protestant denominations to employ crosses and Catholic-inspired symbolism. For other cross-inspired struggles from the 1840s and 1850s, see Walworth, Clarence E., The Oxford Movement in America, or, Glimpses of Life in an Anglican Seminary (1895; reprint, New York: United States Catholic Historical Society, 1974), 27–28,Google Scholarand “Difficulties of the Cross,” Presbyterian Magazine, 09. 1853, 438.Google Scholar

4. “An Ex-Clergyman,” A Review of Bishop Ives' “Trials of a Mind, In Its Progress to Catholicism” (Philadelphia: T. Curtis, 1855), 16–17 (first set of quotations).Google ScholarIllustrations of Popery; the “Mystery of Iniquity” Unveiled: in its “Damnable Heresies, Lying Wonders, and Strong Delusion.” With the Sanguinary Persecutions of the “Woman Drunk With the Blood of the Saints,” (New York: J. Callender, 1838), facing title page, 4 (second set of quotations).Google Scholar The four notable Protestants were listed as “Luther, Zuingle, Cranmer, and Calvin.” This image also appeared on the cover of the American Protestant Magazine 1 (1845).Google Scholar“A Know Nothing,” The Satanic Plot: or, Awful Crimes of Popery in High and Low Places (Boston: N. B. Parsons, 1855), cover. A Protestant church with a simple spire appeared near the top of this cover image.Google Scholar

5. Innumerable cross design variations were available to modern Protestants beyond the Latin cross, including the Greek cross, the cross of St. Andrew, and the tow-cross, each with its own unique significance and origins. See Hall, James, Dictionary of Subjects and Symbols in Art (London: J. Murray, 1974), 77–78Google Scholar and Geo. Tyack, S., The Cross in Ritual, Architecture, and Art (London: W. Andrews, 1900).Google Scholar Few scholars have examined the use of the cross by American Protestant churches. In the early twentieth century, after the cross had been accepted into the major Protestant denominations, several British and American authors began reviewing the symbol's technical, historical development. For example, see Tyack, , The Cross in Ritual, Architecture, and Art and Webber, F. R., Church Symbolism, An Explanation of the More Important Symbols of the Old and New Testament, the Primitive, the Mediaeval and the Modern Church (Cleveland: J. H. Jansen, 1938).Google Scholar These works focused almost exclusively on Roman Catholic and Anglican churches, and largely ignored the controversies associated with recent usage. Since then, occasional references to the symbol have appeared in cultural histories, such as Dillenberger, John, The Visual Arts and Christianity in America: The Colonial Period Through the Nineteenth Century (Chico, Calif.: Scholars, 1984);Google ScholarMcDannell, Colleen, The Christian Home in Victorian America, 1840–1900 (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1986)Google Scholar and McDannell, , Material Christianity: Religion and Popular Culture in America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1995), though these relatively brief discussions have not outlined the symbol's contested appropriation.Google Scholar Other studies have explored the symbol from a theoretical or theological perspective, illustrating the general capacity for religious symbols to cross broad cultural boundaries. See Drummond, Andrew Landale, The Church Architecture of Protestantism, an Historical and Constructive Study (Edinburgh, T. & T. Clark, 1934), 270–312;Google ScholarFleming, Daniel J., “Religious Symbols Crossing Cultural Boundaries,” in Religious Symbolism, ed. Johnson, F. Ernest (Port Washington, N.Y.: Kennikat, 1969), 81–106;Google Scholarand Watson, Goodwin, “A Psychologist's View of Religious Symbols,” Religious Symbolism, 117–27.Google Scholar

6. “Crosses and Weathercocks on Churches,” Episcopal Watchman, Apr. 1827, 14 (first quotations). George Washington Doane, quoted in Hills, History of the Church in Burlington, 457, 512–17 (last quotation). Doane's own son converted to Roman Catholicism in 1855, causing his father great distress. Religious historians have typically considered Protestantism separately from Catholicism in nineteenth-century America. This divergence has occurred despite the influence of Ray Allen Billington's early studies, in which he demonstrated that interdenominational contact was vigorous and widespread. Billington, The Protestant Crusade. Other exceptions to this divergence include McDannell, Material Christianity; Franchot, Jenny, Roads to Rome: The Antebellum Protestant Encounter With Catholicism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994);Google ScholarRose, Anne C., Beloved Strangers: Interfaith Families in Nineteenth Century America (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 2001);CrossRefGoogle ScholarGerber, David A., “Ambivalent Anti-Catholicism: Buffalo's American Protestant Elite Faces the Challenge of the Catholic Church, 1850–1860,” Civil War History, 06 1984, 120–43;CrossRefGoogle ScholarBendroth, Margaret, “Rum, Romanism, and Evangelism: Protestants and Catholics in Late-Nineteenth-Century Boston,” Church History 68 (1999): 627–47.CrossRefGoogle Scholar

7. Michalski, Sergiusz, The Reformation and the Visual Arts: The Protestant Image Question in Western and Eastern Europe (London: Routledge, 1993)CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Chadwick, Owen, The Reformation (London: Hodder & Stoughton, 1965).Google Scholar For a view from the nineteenth century, see Bennett, C. W., “Catholicism and Protestantism as Patrons of Christian Art,” Methodist Quarterly Review, 01. 1877, 79–99.Google Scholar

8. For studies of Reformation-era iconoclastic violence, see Duffy, Eamon, The Stripping of the Altars: Traditional Religion in England, 1400–1580 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1992)Google Scholar and Phillips, John, The Reformation of Images: Destruction of Art in England, 1535–1660 (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1973).Google Scholar

9. Lutherans and Moravians had been using the cross in America from the eighteenth century without difficulties. Dillenberger, The Visual Arts and Christianity in America, 35–36.Google Scholar

10. “Methodist Church Architecture,” National Magazine, 12. 1855, 501 (first quotations).Google Scholar The editor's “high authority” seems to have been a Congregational pattern book, published by the Convention of Ministers and Delegates of the Congregational Churches in the United States as A Book of Plans for Churches and Parsonages (New York: D. Burgess, 1853), 11.Google ScholarHopkins, John Henry, Essay on Gothic Architecture, With Various Plans and Drawings for Churches: Designed Chiefly for the Use of the Clergy (Burlington, Vt.: Smith & Harrington, 1836), 41 (last quotation).Google Scholar For the spread of spires and steeples, see Bushman, Richard L., The Refinement of America: Persons, Houses, Cities (New York: Knopf, 1992), 169–80,Google Scholar and Sweeney, Kevin M., “Meetinghouses, Town Houses, and Churches: Changing Perceptions of Sacred and Secular Space in Southern New England, 1720–1850,” Winterthur Portfolio 28 (1993): 77–79.CrossRefGoogle Scholar A variety of scholars have addressed the elements of Protestant symbolism used in colonial and early national churches, including Upton, Dell, Holy Things and Profane: Anglican Parish Churches in Colonial Virginia (Cambridge, Mass.: MIT Press, 1986);Google ScholarBenes, Peter, ed., New England Meeting House and Church: 1630–1850 (Dublin, N.H.: Dublin Seminar for New England Folklife, 1979);Google ScholarWard, Barbara McLean, “In a FeastingPosture: Communion Vessels and Community Values in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth- Century New England,” Winterthur Portfolio 23 (1988): 1–24;CrossRefGoogle Scholar and Owen, Christopher H., “By Design: The Social Meaning of Methodist Church Architecture in Nineteenth- Century Georgia,” Georgia Historical Quarterly 75 (1991): 223–35.Google Scholar

11. Smith, R. A., Philadelphia As It Is In 1852: Being a Correct Guide to All the Public Buildings; Literary, Scientific, and Benevolent Institutions; and Places of Amusement; Remarkable Objects; Manufacturies; Commercial Warehouses; and Wholesale and Retail Stores in Philadelphia and its Vicinity … (Philadelphia: Lindsay and Blakiston, 1852), 299 (first quotation)Google Scholar and Berg, Joseph F., Trapezium; or, Law and Liberty Versus Despotism and Anarchy, A Vindication of Protestantism from Papal Assailants, and Infidel Advocates (Philadelphia: E. S. Jones, 1851) (last quotation).Google ScholarOn the symbolic significance of the Bible among nineteenth- century Protestants, see McDannell, Material Christianity, 67–102, 125.Google Scholar Many scholars have identified the lack of true iconoclasm among early American Protestants. See Ludwig, Allan I., Graven Images: New England Stonecarving and Its Symbols, 1650–1815 (Middletown, Conn.: Wesleyan University Press, 1966);Google ScholarDeetz, James, In Small Things Forgotten: The Archaeology of Early American Life (Garden City, N.Y.: Anchor/Doubleday, 1977);Google ScholarDillenberger, , The Visual Arts and Christianity in America; Diana Williams Combs, Early Gravestone Art in Georgia and South Carolina (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 1986);Google ScholarMcDannell, , Material Christianity, 103–31;Google Scholar and Hambrick-Stowe, Charles E., The Practice of Piety: Puritan Devotional Disciplines in Seventeenth-Century New England (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1982), especially 197–241.Google Scholar

12. “The Cross,” Christian Recorder, 14 12. 1861.Google Scholar

13. My information on church buildings comes from Edwin Gaustad, S., Historical Atlas of Religion in America (New York: Harper & Row, 1976), 43, 103–11, 176;Google ScholarThe Laity's Directory to the Church Service, for the Year of Our Lord MDCCCXXII (1822), reprinted in “Our Earliest Printed Church History of the United States,” Catholic Historical Review 6 (1920): 343–57;Google ScholarMetropolitan Catholic Almanac and Laity's Directory, for the Year of our Lord 1853 (Baltimore: Fielding Lucas, 1852);Google ScholarShaughnessy, Gerald, Has the Immigrant Kept the Faith? A Study of Immigration and Catholic Growth in the United States, 1790–1920 (New York: Macmillan, 1925), 137–46; and the seventh census of the United States, 1850.Google ScholarRoman Catholicism claimed more adherents by mid-century than any other denomination in America, lending its structures even greater influence. For membership figures, see Shaughnessy, , Has the Immigrant Kept the Faith? 63–73, 113–36;Google Scholar and Finke, Roger and Starke, Rodney, The Churching of America, 1776–1990: Winners and Losers in Our Religious Economy (New Brunswick, N.J.: Rutgers University Press, 1992), 110–15.Google Scholar

14. Barns, William, O'Connell Refuted: Wesley, Methodism, and the Protestant Bible Vindicated; and Popery Exposed (Harrisburg, Penn.: Barrett and Parke, 1840), 23 (first quotation).Google ScholarSmith, B. M., Popery Fulfilling Prophecy. A Sermon Preached Before the Synod of Virginia, October 18th, 1850 (Philadelphia, n.p., n, d.), 36–37 (second quotations).Google Scholar“How Account for the Success of Romanism,” The American Protestant, 12. 1845, 195 (third quotations).Google ScholarWightman, J. Colver, “The Fundamental Law of Christian Worship,” Baptist Quarterly, 04. 1867, 195 (last quotation).Google Scholar The list of similar observations is long. For example, see Tefft, , “A Day with the Catholics,” The Ladies' Repository: A Monthly Periodical, Devoted to Literature, Arts, and Religion, 09. 1847, 283.Google Scholar The Protestant appetite for Catholic art and rituals is amply explored in Davis, John, “Catholic Envy: The Visual Culture of Protestant Desire,” in Morgan, David and Promey, Sally, eds., The Visual Culture of American Religions (Berkeley, University of California Press, 2001) and Franchot, Roads to Rome.Google Scholar The simultaneous Protestant “crusade” against Catholicism is outlined in Billington, The Protestant Crusade and Wolffe, John, The Protestant Crusade in Great Britain, 1829–1860 (Oxford, U.K: Oxford University Press, 1991).CrossRefGoogle Scholar For one example of the instirutionalization of anti-Catholic sympathies, the Presbyterian Synod of Kentucky in the 1840s passed a standing order requiring “that a discourse on Popery be delivered at each of its annual sessions.” Humphrey, Edward P., A Discourse of the Spiritual Power of the Roman Catholic Clergy Delivered Before the Synod of Kentucky, Oct. 13, 1849 (Louisville, 1850), 3.Google Scholar

15. For a review of the evangelical ambivalence toward the role of church buildings, see Melton, Julius, Presbyterian Worship in America: Changing Patterns Since 1787 (Richmond, Va.: John Knox Press, 1967), 28, 47–57.Google Scholar

16. Nevins, William, Practical Thoughts: Thoughts on Popery (New York: American Tract Society, 1836), 194–95 (first quotations).Google Scholar“The Cross in Italy,” Presbyterian Magazine, 92 (last quotation).Google Scholar An example of local attention to Catholic churches and their symbols can be found in Whitehead, William, Directory of the Borough of Chester, For the years 1859–60 … (West Chester, Penn.: E. F. James, 1859), 33. Beyond new structures and their descriptions, popular paintings of Catholic subjects—like George Whiting Flagg's A Nun, displayed in 1836 at the National Academy of Design—brought images of Catholic crosses into public view. See Jon Davis, “Catholic Envy.”Google ScholarGibbons, James, cardinal of Baltimore from 1877 to 1921, detailed the official role of Catholic crosses in his popular Faith of Our Fathers, explaining that “ We venerate [the cross] as the emblem of our salvation … We do not, of course, attach any intrinsic virtue to the Cross; this would be sinful and idolatrous.” Gibbons, James Cardinal, The Faith of Our Fathers … 63d ed. (Baltimore: John Murphy Co., 1905), 19–20.Google Scholar For another Catholic clarification, see Walters, W. Jos., “Catholic, Roman,” in Daniel I. Rupp, An Original History of the Religious Denominations at Present Existing in the United States (Philadelphia: J. Y. Humphreys, 1844), 154.Google Scholar

17. Review of Gardiner Spring, The Attraction of the Cross, Designed to Illustrate the Leading Truths, Hopes, and Obligations of Christianity, in Princeton Review, 01. 1846, 159 (first quotation).Google ScholarRobins, C. E., “With the Nuns,” Putnam's Monthly, 11. 1868, 582 (last quotations).Google ScholarAnother example of such discomfort appeared in “The Cross in Art,” Ladies' Repository, 04. 1873, 307–8, in which the author also emphasized a theological preference for “the empty cross.”Google Scholar

18. Letter from “Presbuteros” in “Presbyterian Ritualism,” New York Observer, 18 07 1867 (first quotation).Google Scholar“Freese,” Episcopalian, quoted in “The Last Gasp of the Anti-Catholic Faction,” Catholic World, 09. 1868, 848–55 (last quotation).Google Scholar

19. Also, predominantly white congregations seem to have expressed more interest—both pro and con—in the details of Catholic symbolism than predominantly black congregations.Google Scholar

20. “The Moral Influence of the Cross,” Princeton Review, 07 1835, 370 (first quotation).Google Scholar“On the Use of Crosses,” New York Observer, 3 12. 1842 (second quotation).Google ScholarDunn, Lewis R., “Power of the Cross,” Ladies' Repository, 05 1848, 141 (last quotation).Google ScholarSee also Spring, Gardiner, The Attraction of the Cross, Designed to Illustrate the Leading Truths, Hopes, and Obligations of Christianity (New York: American Tract Society, [1845])Google Scholar and “The Cross Humbles But Elevates,” New York Observer, 9 01. 1851.Google Scholar

21. “Symbolism of the Cross,” Harper's Weekly, 15 07 1871, 659 (first quotation);Google ScholarShort, John T., “Symbolism of the Pre-Christian Cross,” Methodist Quarterly Review, 10. 1876, 612 (second quotation);Google Scholar“The Cross,” from the New York Observer, quoted in the Christian Recorder, 14 12. 1861 (last quotations).Google Scholar

22. “Symbolism of the Cross,” Harper's Weekly, 659.Google Scholar Examples of alternate cross designs were presented in Wills, Frank, Ancient English Ecclesiastical Architecture and Its Principles, Applied to the Wants of the Church at the Present Day (New York: Stanford and Swords, 1850), plate 14. Tyack, The Cross in Ritual, Architecture and Art, 14–17.Google Scholar

23. Ingham, Mary Janes, “The Cross of Flowers,” The Ladies' Repository, 05 1867, 266 (first quotation).Google ScholarSmith, R. A., Smith's Illustrated Guide to and through Laurel Hill Cemetery, With a Glance at Celebrated Tombs and Burying Places, Ancient and Modern, an Historical Sketch of the Cemeteries of Philadelphia, an Essay on Monumental Architecture, and a Tour up the Schuylkill (Philadelphia: W. P. Hazard, 1852), 80–81 (last quotation).Google Scholar See also McDannell, , Material Christianity, 120–25Google Scholar and Hults, Linda C., “Pilgrim's Progress in the West: Moran's The Mountain of the Holy Cross,“ American Art (Winter/Spring 1991).CrossRefGoogle Scholar

24. Varnum, Joseph S. Jr, “A Chapter About Churches (Concluded),” New York Observer, 1 05 1847.Google Scholar For one example of an archaeological study advocating the revival of pre-Reformation symbolism, see Wills, Ancient English Ecclesiastical Architecture. For ecclesiology, as well as details on Grace Church, New York City, see Stanton, Phoebe B., The Gothic Revival and American Church Architecture; An Episode in Taste, 1840–1856 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1968)Google Scholar and Pierson, William H. Jr, American Buildings and Their Architects, vol. 2, Technology and the Picturesque, the Corporate and the Early Gothic Styles (New York: Oxford University Press, 1978), 152–58, 173–219.Google Scholar

25. Congregational Churches in the United States, A Book of Plans for Churches and Parsonages, 3, 5, 11, 37–39.Google Scholar

26. Adams, George, quoted in Pierson, American Buildings and Their Architects, 433–45, 480 (first quotation);Google ScholarDexter, H. M., “Meeting-Houses: Considered Historically and Suggestively,” Congregational Quarterly, 04. 1859, 207 (last quotation).Google ScholarIn 1849 one author affirmed the presence of Congregational crosses in Maine, observing that visitors would find “the once hated symbol frequently introduced among the rich decorations of the newly finished chapel of an orthodox college” in the area. Review of Sir Charles Lyell, A Second Visit to the United States of North America, 2 vols. (New York: Harpers, 1849) in the North American Review, 10. 1849, 337.Google Scholar

27. “The Cross,” Christian Recorder, 14 12. 1861 (first quotation);Google Scholar Ingham, “The Cross of Flowers,” 266–67 (last quotation). Endorsement for the Congregationalist A Book of Plans for Churches and Parsonages can be found in “Methodist Church Architecture,” The National Magazine, 12. 1855, 497–98.Google Scholar

28. “Casa Wappy,” National Magazine, 10. 1855, 295;Google Scholar “Methodist Church Architecture”; “Methodist Church Architecture. Second Article,” National Magazine, 01. 1856, 77–79;Google Scholar“Methodist Church Architecture. Third Article,” National Magazine, 02. 1856, 121–25;Google Scholar“Methodist Church Architecture,” National Magazine, 03. 1856, 220–25;Google Scholar“Editor's Drawer,” Harper's New Monthly Magazine, 04. 1866, 677 (first quotations);Google ScholarIngham, , “The Cross of Flowers”; Howard, George W., The Monumental City: Its Past History and Present Resources (Baltimore: J. D. Ehlers, 1873), 36;Google ScholarMaxwell, S. D., “St. Paul's Methodist Episcopal Church, Cincinnati,” Ladies' Repository, 02. 1871, 122–26 (last quotation).Google Scholar

29. For the Oxford movement see Chadwick, Owen, The Mind of the Oxford Movement (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1960);Google ScholarNockles, Peter Benedict, The Oxford Movement in Context, Anglican High Churchmanship, 1760–1857 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994);CrossRefGoogle ScholarMullin, Robert Bruce, Episcopal Vision/American Reality: High Church Theology and Social Thought in Evangelical America (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1986), 149–77;Google ScholarStanton, , The Gothic Revival.Google Scholar For late-nineteenth-century “ritualism” and Anglo-Catholicism, see Holmes, David L., A Brief History of the Episcopal Church (Valley Forge, Perm.: Trinity Press International, 1993), especially 103–12,Google Scholar and Chorley, E. Clowes, Men and Movements in the American Episcopal Church (New York: Scribner, 1946).Google Scholar A fine example of an Episcopal debate over the use of the cross can be found in the pamphlet Puseyite Developments, or Notices of the New York Ecclesiologists. Dedicated to their Patron, the Right Rev. Bishop Ives, of North Carolina (New York: Berford & Co., 1850), 9.Google Scholar

30. Warren, , The Causes and the Cure of Puseyism, 169–70.Google Scholar Warren recalled that “I have been told by the present bishop of our church in this state, that a few years ago there was not a cross in an Episcopal church in New York; now, crosses abound in them.” Manross, William Wilson, The Episcopal Church in the United States, 1800–1840: A Study in Church Life (New York: Columbia University Press, 1938), also observed this change: “The use of a cross to mark church buildings … did not become general in the United States until after 1840, though a few hardy souls were bold enough to advocate it” earlier—in Trenton, New Jersey and Poughkeepsie, New York, 145.Google Scholar

31. Varnum, “A Chapter about Churches (Concluded)”;Google ScholarWills, Ancient English Ecclesiastical Architecture, 116–18;Google Scholar“One Faith,” 37;Google ScholarVestry minutes, Church of the Ascension, Baltimore, Maryland, MSA SC 2467, Church Records, Maryland State Archives;Google ScholarPatrick, James, “Ecclesiological Gothic in the Antebellum South,” Winterthur Portfolio 15 (1980): 137–38;CrossRefGoogle ScholarScammon, C. M., “In and Around Astoria,” Overland Monthly and Out West Magazine, 12. 1869, 496.Google Scholar

32. “One Faith” 37 (first quotation); [Mines, Flavel], A Presbyterian Clergyman Looking for the Church. By One of Three Hundred Sixth and Seventh Thousand (New York: Pudney & Russell, 1853), 504–11 (last quotations).Google Scholar See also Hoge, Peyton Harrison, Moses Drury Hoge: Life and Letters (Richmond, Va.: Presbyterian Committee of Publication, 1899), 90;Google ScholarMelton, , Presbyterian Worship in America, 61–70; and Presbytery of Chicago, “A Report on the Architectural Setting of Presbyterian Worship” (1955).Google Scholar

33. Wayland, Francis, Notes on the Principles and Practices of Baptist Churches (1857; reprint New York: Arno, 1980), 153–57 (quotations).Google Scholar“West Spruce St. Baptist Church, Philadelphia,” Scientific American, 23 01. 1869, 53.Google Scholar This Gothic revival church included such sculpted symbols as “the rose, the lily, the wheat, the vine, the lion, the crown, and the star.” The image of the cross-topped chapel was published in Baptist Home Missions in North America; Including a Full Report of the Proceedings and Addresses of the Jubilee Meeting, and a Historical Sketch of the American Baptist Home Mission Society, Historical Tables, Etc., 1832–1882 (New York: Baptist Home Mission Rooms, 1883), 168.Google Scholar By the twentieth century, Baptist acceptance of the cross had progressed to such a degree that Goldsworthy, Pastor Edwin A., in Plain Thoughts On Worship (Chicago: Willet, Clark & Co., 1936), could proclaim the cross to be “the greatest religious symbol of man” and advocate its placement “as the focus of attention for all who worship,” 75–78.Google Scholar

34. Withers, Frederick Clarke, Church Architecture: Plans, Elevations, and Views of Twenty-one Churches and Two School-houses, Photo-lithographed From Original Drawings: With Numerous Illustrations Shewing Details of Construction, Church Fittings, etc. (New York: A. J. Bicknell, 1873), xiv (quotation).Google Scholar For an example of an advertisement showing prominent crosses for sale, see “J. & R. Lamb, Church Furniture” from New York City, printed in Methodist Quarterly Review, 01. 1877, facing 3.Google Scholar

35. Strong, George Templeton, The Diary of George Templeton Strong, eds. Nevins, Allan and Thomas, Milton Halsey, abridged by Pressly, Thomas J. (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1988), 38 (quotation).Google Scholar For personal testimony regarding the symbol's devotional effects, see Tyack, , The Cross in Ritual, Architecture, and Art, 96.Google Scholar

36. Puseyite Developments, 9 (first quotation);Google ScholarNevins, , Practical Thoughts: Thoughts on Popery, 93 (last quotation).Google Scholar For a few Protestant accusations of idolatry, see Smith, , Popery Fulfilling Prophecy, 28;Google ScholarDowling, John, The History of Romanism: From the Earliest Corruptions of Christianity to the Present Time (New York: Edward Walker, 1846), 259;Google ScholarBrownlee, W. C., Letters in the Roman Catholic Controversy, 2d ed. (New York, 1834), 282.Google Scholar For a Catholic defense on the proper uses of and behaviors involving crosses, see Gibbons, , Faith of Our Fathers, 19–20 and 232–46.Google Scholar

37. The crucifix had emerged in a small number of Episcopal churches by the 1870s. Chorley, Men and Movements in the American Episcopal Church, 376–92. Throughout the twentieth century, the crucifix made broader appearances in Protestant contexts, as in 1985 when a lone crucifix adorned the cover of the American Baptist Quarterly, Mar. 1985, without an editorial comment. For the role of Mary in Protestant households,Google Scholar see McDannell, , The Christian Home in Victorian America, 40–48, 128–45.Google ScholarThe Wesleys' sculptured heads appeared on Christ's Church, Pittsburgh. “Methodist Church Architecture,” The National Magazine, 12. 1855, 511–12 (quotation).Google Scholar For more on Protestantism and representations of the human form, see Morgan, David, ed., Icons of American Protestantism: The Art of Warner Sallman (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1996).Google Scholar