^{page 5 note 1} See Document I.

^{page 5 note 2} Ad Scapulam, cap. 2.

^{page 6 note 1} “humani juris et naturalis potestatis est unicuique quod putaverit colere.”— Comp. his Apology, cap. 24.

^{page 6 note 2} Instit. Div., L. V., cap. 20.Google Scholar

^{page 9 note 1} Lea (History of the Inquisition, Vol. I., 215, Sq.Google Scholar) says: “In the vast body of imperial edicts inflicting upon heretics every variety of disability and punishment, the most ardent churchman might find conviction that the State recognized the preservation of the purity of the faith as its first duty. Yet, whenever the State or any of its officials lagged in the enforcement of these laws, the churchman was at hand to goad them on. Thus the African Church repeatedly asked the intervention of the secular power to suppress the Donatists; Leo the Great insisted with the Empress Pulcheria that the destruction of the Eutychians should be her highest care; and Pelagius I., in urging Narses to suppress heresy by force, sought to quiet the scruples of the soldier by assuring him that to prevent or to punish evil was not persecution, but love. It became the general doctrine of the Church, as expressed by St. Isidor of Seville, that princes are bound not only to be orthodox themselves, but to preserve the purity of the faith by the fullest exercise of their power against heretics. How abundantly these assiduous teachings bore their bitter fruit is shown in the deplorable history of the Church during those centuries, consisting as it does of heresy after heresy relentlessly exterminated, until the Council of Constantinople, under the Patriarch Michael Oxista, introduced the penalty of burning alive as the punishment of the Bogomili. Nor were the heretics always behindhand, when they gained opportunity, in improving the lesson which had been taught them so effectually. The persecution of the Catholics by the Arian Vandals in Africa under Genseric was quite worthy of orthodoxy; and when Hunneric succeeded his father, and his proposition to the Emperor Zeno of mutual toleration was refused, his barbarous zeal was inflamed to pitiless wrath.”

^{page 11 note 1} See the Latin text in Schaff's Creeds of Christendom, pp. 217, 227, 232.Google Scholar

^{page 11 note 2} “Perniciosa sententia de rationibus ecclesia a republica disparandis.”

^{page 12 note 1} Published in London, Burns & Gates, and in New York by the Cath. Pub. Society. The Latin text is printed in Acta Sanctœ Sedis, ed. by Pennachi, and Piazzesi, , Vol. XX., Rom. (S. C. De Propaganda Fidei), pp. 593–613.Google Scholar

^{page 13 note 1} The statuto fondamentale del regno of 03 4, 1848Google Scholar, declares indeed that the Catholic Apostolic Roman Church is the sole religion of the State (la sola religione del stato), but that the other existing modes of worship are tolerated according to the laws (gli altri culti ora existenti sono tollerati conformemente alle leggi). This statute is the basis of the present constitution of Italy.

^{page 13 note 2} Protestant worship of foreigners was tolerated, or rather ignored, but only in private houses or chapels of the embassies, as that of Prussia in the Palazzo Caffarelli; English residents worshiped outside of the city walls behind a stable. The importation of Bibles was prohibited, and many copies were often confiscated at the frontier of the papal States.

^{page 14 note 1} Minghetti, Marco (d. 1884; a pupil and successor of Cavour)Google Scholar, Stato e Chiesa, Milano, 1878 (274 pages)Google Scholar. A German translation (said to be by the Empress Frederick of Prussia), Staat und Kirche, Gotha, 1881Google Scholar. Francesco Scaduto (Prof. in Rome, formerly in Palermo), Guarantizie Pontificie e relazioni fra Stato e Chiesa, Torino, 1884Google Scholar. Giaromo Cassani (formerly Prof, of Canon Law in Bologna), Delle Principali Questioni politiche-religiose, Bologna, 1872–'76, 3 volsGoogle Scholar. The first volume discusses at length the relation of Church and State.

^{page 14 note 2} Schulthess, : Europ. Geschichts-Kalender, for 1870, p. 403.Google Scholar

^{page 16 note 1} Wolf, Gustav, Zur Geschichte der Deutschen Protestanten, 1555–'59. Berlin, 1888.Google Scholar

^{page 17 note 1} See the literature quoted by Hinschius, P. in Herzog, , 2d ed. XVI., 877Google Scholar, and a summary of the Treaty in Ch. XL. of Häusser's, L.Period of the Reformation (Engl. translation, pp. 546–559)Google Scholar.

^{page 18 note 1} “iis qui Reformati vocantur.”

^{page 18 note 2} “Sed prœter religiones supra nominatas nulla alia in sacro imperio Romano recipiatur vel toleretur.”

^{page 18 note 3} “Articulos … potestatis plenitudine penitus damnamus, reprobamus, cassamus, annullamus, viribusque et effectu vacuamus.” Bulla, Zelo domus Dei, 11 26, 1648, published 01 3, 1651Google Scholar. See Bullar. Magn. V., 466Google Scholar, and extracts in Gieseler, III, A. 431Google Scholar, note 23.

^{page 19 note 1} De la religion de Brandebourg, in Œuvres de Frédéric, Berlin, 1846, Vol. I., 212.Google Scholar

^{page 20 note 1} Œuvres, IX., 207Google Scholarsq. Comp. Ed. Zeller, , Friedrich der Grosse als Philosoph, Berlin, 1886, pp. 146–156.Google Scholar

^{page 20 note 2} See Schaff, , Church and State in the U. S., 95–105Google Scholar, and the literature mentioned on p. 103 sq.

^{page 21 note 1} Art. V. of the Grundrechte des deutschen Volkes.

^{page 23 note 1} On the Edict of Nantes and its Revocation see Dumont, , Corps diplomatique universel du droit des gens (Amsterdam, 1726), V. A. 545Google Scholarsqq. Benoît, Elie, Histoire de l'Edit de Nantes (Detti, 1693–'95, 5 vols.)Google Scholar. De Thou, (Thuanus), Historiarum libri cxxxviii. ab anno 1546 ad annum 1607, Book cxxii. (London ed. 1733)Google Scholar. Martin, , Histoire de France, tome x., 421–425; xiii., 599–615; xiv., 37–46 (fourth ed., Paris, 1878)Google Scholar. Anguez, L., Histoire des Assemblées Politiques des Réformés en France, 1573–1622 (Paris, 1859), p. 82sqq., 188sqq.Google ScholarRanke, , Französiche Geschichte, III, 39–59; III., 454–484 (third ed., Stuttgart, 1877)Google Scholar. Aguesse, L., Histoire de l'établissement du Protestantism en France (Paris, 1886), tome IV., 585sqq. (The text of the Edict is given in an appendix, IV., 601–620.)Google ScholarCharton, Bordier et, Histoire de France, II., 109sqq., 274sqq. (Paris, 1878)Google Scholar. Bulletin historique et littéraire de la société de l'histoire de protestantisme français, 34° année, Nos. 9 et 10 (Paris, 1885)Google Scholar. Pilatte, Leon, Edits, Declarations et Arrests concernant la réligion P. réformée 1662–1751 (Paris, 1885; the Edict of Nantes is given first, pp. i–lxxxii.)Google Scholar. Baird, Henry M., The Huguenots and Henry of Navarre (N. York, 1886), IL, 414sqq.Google Scholar; and his oration at the Huguenots' Society's “Commemoration of the Bi-Centenary of the Revocation of the Edict of Nantes,” N. York, 1886, p. 24Google Scholarsqq. Schott, Theod., Die Aufhebung des Ediktes von Nantes (Halle, 1885)Google Scholar. Also the important biographical work La France protestante par M.M. Eugène et Émile Haag, Paris, 1877, sqq., 10 volsGoogle Scholar, (second ed. by H. Bordier).—On the Protestant Refugees in particular see Charles Weiss (Prof, of History in the Lycée Bonaparte), Histoire des refugiés protestants de France, Paris, 1853, 2 vols.Google Scholar; (English translation by Herbert, W. H., N. Y., 1854)Google Scholar. Sam. Smiles, , The Huguenots, their Settlements, Churches, and Industries in England and Ireland, London, 1867Google Scholar (Am. ed. with appendix by G. P. Disosway, N. V., 1867). Lane Poole, R., History of the Huguenots of the Dispersion at the Recall of the Edict of Nantes, London, 1880Google Scholar. Agnew, David C. A. (of the Free Church of Scotland), Protestant Exiles from France, chiefly in the Reign of Louis XIV., or, The Huguenot Refugees and their Descendants in Great Britain and Ireland, London and Edinburgh, 1866; second ed., 1871, in 3 vols.; third ed., 1886, in 2 large volsGoogle Scholar. Baird, C. W., History of the Huguenot Emigration to America, N. York, 1882, 2 volsGoogle Scholar. The Collections of the Huguenot Society of America, N. York, 1886Google Scholarsqq.

^{page 24 note 1} See the note in Martin, X., 575. He reduces the number of congregations to 500, but it is usually stated at 760 or more.

^{page 25 note 1} “Edit perpétuel et irrevocable,” at the close of the introduction. The 92 Articles are printed in the Appendix.

^{page 26 note 1} The pecuniary promises, however, were only partially fulfilled.

^{page 26 note 2} “La religion prétendue réformée”; and the Huguenots are styled, “Les prétendus réformés.”

^{page 26 note 3} Augustin Thierry.

^{page 26 note 4} Baird, H. M., The Huguenots and Henry of Navarre, II., 420.Google Scholar

^{page 27 note 1} “Que dieu estoit le pape, et le pape estoit dieu.” Ranke, , Franz. Geschichte, II., 130.Google Scholar

^{page 28 note 1} “Deus gentium fecit hoc, quia datus erat in reprobum sensum.” Ranke, II., 132.Google Scholar

^{page 28 note 2} Ranke, , II., 100Google Scholar, and Rommel, 's Correspondance de Henry IV., p. 79Google Scholar, as quoted by Ranke. But the last word of Henry to D'Aubigné was: “Je tiens ma vie temporelle et spirituelle entre les mains du pape, que je reconnait pour le véritable vicaire de Dieu.”—La France Protestante, I., 485.Google Scholar

^{page 28 note 3} Martin, X., 571: “Les penseurs ne cesseront jamais d'honorer en lui le précurseur d'une Europe nouvelle, l'esprit juste et profond … le champion enfin et le martyr de la plus sainte des libertés, de la liberté de conscience.”

^{page 29 note 1} La France Protestante, IV., 575sq.Google Scholar

^{page 30 note 1} See the details in the second chapter of Weiss, , History of the French Prot. Refugees, Vol. I., 49Google Scholarsqq., and sketches of all these distinguished Huguenots in La France Protestante.

^{page 29 note 2} Martin (XIV., 54) says that history records greater effusions of blood, “mais aucun spectacle ne blesse au même point le sens moral et l'humanité, que cette persécution exercée à froid et d'après des idées abstraites, sans l'excuse de la lutte et du danger, sans la fièvre ardente des battailles et des révolutions.”

^{page 32 note 1} Hist, of the Ed. of Nantes, Book XII., Vol. V., p. 833sq.Google Scholar

^{page 32 note 2} Hist, of the French Prot. Refugees, I., 93sq.Google Scholar

^{page 34 note 1} Or 17th. The Edict.gives only the month.

^{page 34 note 2} Appendix III.

^{page 35 note 1} Ch. Baird, W., Hist, of the Hug. Emigration to America, I., 126.Google Scholar

^{page 35 note 2} See a picture of the temple in Bordier, and Charton, , Histoire de France, II., 194Google Scholar, and its destruction, p. 282, and a description in the Bulletin historique et litteraire of the “Society of the History of French Protestantism” for 09 and 10, 1885, p. 388sqq.Google Scholar

^{page 36 note 1} This is the estimate of Martin, XIV., 54, after deducting the loss sustained by conversions and emigration in the preceding twenty years, which Jurieu estimates at more than 200,000. Contemporary estimates vary between 800,000 and 2,000,000.

^{page 36 note 2} In his funeral oration on Le Tellier, who prepared and countersigned the Revocation and died a few days afterwards (October 31st). Cardinal Hergenröther (Kirchengesch. III., 433)Google Scholar calls Bossuet the “church father of liberal Catholic theology, which would kiss the Pope's toe, but bind his hands and make the Church a tool of the State.”

^{page 36 note 3} Weiss, , I., 123.Google Scholar

^{page 37 note 1} The brief is printed in Latin, and French, in Edits, Declarations et Arrests concernons la réligion prétendue Réformée (Paris, 1885), p. 605Google Scholarsq. The Pope begins: “Carissime in Christo fili noster,” etc. “Cum prœ cœteris illustribus documentis quœ ingenitam Majestatis tuœ pietatem abunde declarant, maxime excellat eximius ille regeque christianissimo dignus plane zelus, quo strenue incensus faventes istius regni hœreticis constitutiones penitus abrogasti, fideique orthodoxœ propagationi sapientissimis editis decretis egregie consuluisti, sicut nous exposuit dilectus filius, nobilis vir dux d'Estrées,” etc. The Pope predicts: “Recensebit pro fecto suis in fastis catholica ecclesia tam grande tuœ erga ipsam devotionis opus, nomenque tuum non interituris prœconiis prosequetur,”

DrDöllinger, (Kirche und Kirchen, 1861, p. xxxiii.)Google Scholar and Hergenröther, Cardinal (Kirchengeschichte, III., 597, 3d ed., 1886)Google Scholar assert that Pope Innocent disapproved the persecution. But he merely disapproved, in a roundabout way, the novel and uncatholic method of converting heretics by dragoons or “armed apostles,” and tried to restrain James II. from his suicidal folly. I am glad, however, that such a Catholic scholar and dignitary as Hergenröther condemns the “terrible severity” of Louis XIV., though he prudently (must we not say, unfairly?) ignores the approval of Bossuet and the other lights of the French pulpit, as well as the Te Deum sung in Rome. His words are: “Sowohl französische Bischöfe, wie Fénelon, als Papst Innocenz XI. missbilligten die furchtbare Härte; letzerer liess durch den Nuntius d'Adda in London den König Jacob II. zu Vorstellungen dagegen aufmuntern.”

^{page 38 note 1} This is substantially the judgment of the Duke de Saint-Simon, in his Mémoirs, ch. 313Google Scholar, quoted in French by Bordier, (II., 282sq.)Google Scholar, and in English by Ch. Baird, W., Hist, of the Hug. Emigration to America, I., 259Google Scholar. Comp. also the spirited summary in Voltaire's Siècle de Louis XIV., the judgments of Martin, Bordier, Weiss, and other historians. Dr. Döllinger, in an essay on Louis, XIV. (Akademische Vorträge, 1888, Vol. I., 311)Google Scholar, makes the striking remark, that that man would have been the greatest benefactor of the king and of France, who with the authority of a Hebrew prophet would have warned him in 1685 to this effect: Do not revoke the Edict of Nantes! You will forge a chain of oppressions; you will make more hypocrites than believers, and desecrate the sacred rites of the Church; you will drive hundreds of thousands of the most conscientious citizens out of the land; you will inflame bloody civil wars; you will alienate the hearts of foreign nations; you will raise a generation of infidels who will overthrow your throne and persecute and destroy your Church, which now offers you the weapons and instruments against the sons of your people.

^{page 40 note 1} Vauban counted 100,000 from 1684 to 1691; Jurieu more than 200,000 in 1687; Benoît 200,000 in 1695; Basnage, an illustrious refugee, speaks vaguely of from 300,000 to 400,000; others swell the number still more; while Martin, (XIV., 59)Google Scholar and Bordier, (II., 283)Google Scholar reduce it to 250,000, but only from the Revocation to the beginning of the following century. ProfessorWeiss, Charles (Vol. I., p. 3 of the English translation)Google Scholar estimates the number of refugees during the last fifteen years of the seventeenth century at from 250,000 to 300,000, and gives several details of the diminution of the population in various cities and provinces according to official reports of 1698, but these reports are incomplete, and cover only a few years. The population of La Rochelle decreased more than one third. Of 1,938 Protestant families in the district of Paris, 1,202 emigrated, and only 731 remained behind. In the district of Meaux, 1,000 families out of 1,500 made their escape. In Burgundy about one third of the Protestants expatriated themselves. Normandy, which had formerly at least 200,000 Protestant families, suffered most. In Picardy, as in Normandy, the vicinity of the sea favored the escape into Holland and England. Pastor N. Weiss (secretary and librarian of the “Société de l'histoire du protestantisme français”) estimates the whole number of refugees at from 500,000 to 600,000. See his La Sortie de France pour cause de religion de Daniel Brousson et de sa famille, Paris, 1885, p. vi.Google Scholar

^{page 41 note 1} Weiss, , l. c., I., 267sqq.Google Scholar

^{page 42 note 1} See Doc. IV., in Appendix.

^{page 42 note 2} Comp. Ancillon, Charles, Histoire de l'établissement des Refugiés dans les États de son Altesse Electorale de Brandenbourg, Berlin, 1690Google Scholar. Weiss, , l. c., Book II. (p. 127sqq.)Google Scholar. Muret, E., Geschichte der französischen Kolonie in Brandenburg-Preussen, 1885Google Scholar. Tollin, Henri, Geschichte der französischen Colonie von Magdeburg, Halle, 1886–1887, 2 vols. In tne first volume (pp. 740)Google Scholar, Tollin gives a full general history of Huguenot emigration to Germany.

^{page 43 note 1} On this most interesting period of the French Reformed Church, I refer to Coquerel, Charles, Histoire des Églises du Désert, Paris, 1841Google Scholar. Douen, O., Les premiers pasteurs du désert (1685–1700), Paris, 1879, 2 volsGoogle Scholar. Hugues, Edmond, Histoire de la Restauration du Protestantisme en France au XVIIIe siècle—Antoine Court—d'après des documents inédits, Paris, 1875, 2 volsGoogle Scholar. Les Synodes du Désert, Paris, 1885, 2 vols.Google Scholar, by the same. Dardier, A. P., Paul Rabaut, ses lettres a Antoine Court (1739–1755)Google Scholar. Dix-sept ans de la vie d'un apôtre du désert, Paris (n. d.). The earlier work of Vinet, A.. Histoire de la Prédication parmi les Réformés de France au dix-septième siècle, Paris, 1860 (1841)Google Scholar, comes down to Saurin, Jaques (1677–1730)Google Scholar.

^{page 45 note 1} “Écrasez l'infâme.” The word infâme, infamous, is also used as a noun in the sense of a convicted criminal, an infamous man or woman. Voltaire uses it as a feminine. It is often asserted, but denied by the best authorities, that he meant Christianity or even Christ. The writer of the Art. “Voltaire” in Larousse, Pierre's Grand Dict, universel du XIX. Siècle, Tome XV., 1181Google Scholar, says that Voltaire by that phrase certainly intended no more than to designate “la superstition, le fanatisme et l'intolérance, restes impurs du moyen âge, qui no-seulement n'ont rien de religieux, mais sont même subversifs de toute idée religieuse.” The same writer states that Voltaire was no atheist, but simply a deist, and that he returned in his later writings more and more from skepticism to deism. When Franklin asked him to bless his grandson, he laid his hands on him with the words: “Dieu et la liberté.” Saintsbury, G., in the Encycl. Britannica, Vol. XXIV., 292Google Scholar (9th ed.), takes a similar view: “L'infâme is not God; it is not Christ; it is not Christianity; it is not even Catholicism. Its briefest equivalent may be given as ‘persecuting and privileged orthodoxy’ in general, and, more particularly, it is the particular system which Voltaire saw around him, of which he had felt the effects in his own exiles and the confiscations of his books, and of which he saw the still worse effects in the hideous sufferings of Calas and La Barre,” Compare also the discussion of the phrase by Strauss, , Voltaire, p. 188sq.Google Scholar, and Zeller, , Friedrich, der Grosse als Philosoph, p. 144sqq.Google Scholar

^{page 46 note 1} Comp. Athan. Coquerel, Jr., Jean Calas et sa famille, Paris, 1858; 2d ed., 1869 (with all the documents, 527 pp.)Google Scholar; Herzog, , Die Familie Calas und Voltaire, 1868Google Scholar; Kohler, , Die Familie Calas, Hamburg, 1871Google Scholar; La France Protest., Vol. III., 471sqq., 2d ed. (1881)Google Scholar. The work of Coquerel is exhaustive.

^{page 46 note 2} “Traité sur la Tolérance à l'occasion de la mort de Jean Calas.” Voltaire frequently speaks of toleration in his letters to D'Alembert.

^{page 51 note 1} In this chapter I have, by the kind permission of the London publisher, incorporated, with some changes, the greater part of an essay on The Toleration Act of 1689, which I prepared for the Pan-Presbyterian Council, held in London, 07 3–12, 1888Google Scholar, and which was published by Nisbet, James & Co., 21 Berners Street, London, 1888 (59 pages).Google Scholar

^{page 52 note 1} See DrStorrs', R. S. learned and eloquent oration on John Wycliffe and the English Bible (New York, 1880, 88 pages)Google Scholar, delivered at the semi-millennial celebration by the American Bible Society.

^{page 53 note 1} Stubbs, W., The Constitutional History of England, Vol. III., 33, 384sq.Google Scholar

^{page 54 note 1} Westminister Confession of Faith, XX., 2, 4Google Scholar. The last clause is justly omitted in the American recension of the Confession.

^{page 54 note 2} On the lively discussions concerning toleration during the Westminster Assembly, see Schaff, , Church History, VI., 74sqq. Hallam (III., 169) quotes from a pamphlet of 1681Google Scholar, entitled The Zealous and Impartial Protestant, the following sentence: “Liberty of conscience and toleration are things only to be talked of and pretended to by those that are under; but none like or think it reasonable that are in authority.… It is not consistent with peace and safety without a standing army; conventicles being eternal nurseries of sedition and rebellion.”

^{page 59 note 1} SirMackintosh, James, History of the Revolution in England in 1688 (London, 1834, p. 155)Google Scholar: “The declaration of indulgence had one important purpose beyond the assertion of prerogative: the advancement of the Catholic religion, or the gratification of anger against the unexpected resistance of the Church. It was intended to divide Protestants, and to obtain the support of the Nonconformists.”

^{page 60 note 1} The popular date for the English Revolution is 1688. At that time the civil year in England began on the 25th of March, the day of the Annunciation, according to a mode of reckoning introduced in the 12th century, and continued till the reformation of the calendar, in 1752. The historical year always began with the 1st of January; the liturgical or ecclesiastical year, with the 1st Sunday in Advent.

^{page 61 note 1} Burnet, , History of his own Time, Vol. III., p. 125 (Oxford ed., 1823)Google Scholar. Macaulay says that “the tenet of predestination was the keystone of his religion.”

^{page 61 note 2} History, etc., Vol. IV., p. 21.Google Scholar

^{page 61 note 3} Constii. Hist., Vol. III., p. 332Google Scholar. DrStoughton, (History of Religion in England, revised ed., London, 1881, Vol. V., p. 5)Google Scholar says: “Toleration was the ruling idea of his mind; and he blamed the Church of England for alienating itself from other Communions.”

^{page 62 note 1} In a speech at the third jubilee of the “Society for the Propagation of the Gospel in Foreign Parts,” 05 19, 1851Google Scholar. For an admirable portraiture of William's character see von Ranke, L., History of England, Vol. V., p. 298Google Scholarsq. (Oxford ed.). He calls William “an international nature; by origin a German Prince, the son of an English mother, the husband of an English Princess; by old blood relations and religion attached to French Protestantism, and by his ancestors' services, and by inherited claims, belonging to the Republic of the United Netherlands.”

^{page 63 note 1} So says Hallam, (III., 170)Google Scholar, who adds: “The High-Church pamphlets of the age grumble at the toleration.” Unfortunately, the Parliamentary debates of the period are mostly lost. Reporters were proscribed. “What little of the debate,” says Stoughton (l. c., Vol. V., 91), “has been preserved shows it to have been brief, desultory, and superficial—not dealing with any great principles, but only discussing details, with an outburst now and then of ill-temper.” It was proposed by some that toleration should be granted only for seven years, and that the Dissenters be put on their good behavior, but that proposal was rejected.

^{page 66 note 1} History of his own Time, Vol. IV., 21.Google Scholar

^{page 66 note 2} Constitutional History of England from Henry VII. to George II., Ch. XV. (London, eighth ed., Vol. III., pp. 168 and 171).Google Scholar

^{page 66 note 3} The Constitutional History of England since the Accession of George III. 1760–1860, seventh ed., London, 1882, Vol. III., 78sq.Google Scholar

^{page 67 note 1} History of England, Ch. XI., Vol. II., 461sqq.Google Scholar

^{page 67 note 2} History of Rationalism in Europe, London, seventh ed., 1875, Vol. II., 83, 84.Google Scholar

^{page 67 note 3} History of the English Church, second period, p. 544.Google Scholar

^{page 67 note 4} History of Religion in England, revised ed., Vol. V., 96.Google Scholar

^{page 68 note 1} The four letters on Toleration make up the sixth volume (546 pages) of his Works in 10 vols., 11th ed., London, 1812.Google Scholar

^{page 69 note 1} Familiar Letters. See the original Latin in his Works, Vol. X., p. 23.Google Scholar

^{page 72 note 1} 05, l. c., III., 79Google Scholar, and Butler, 's Hist. Mem. of Catholics, III., 134–138, 279.Google Scholar

^{page 73 note 1} Const. History, III., 396Google Scholarsq. (N. York ed., III., 381 sq.)

^{page 74 note 1} Gladstone, William Ewart, The State in its Relation with the Church, 4th ed., London, 1841, 2 volsGoogle Scholar. Compare the famous critique of Macaulay in the “Edinburgh Review” for 1839.

^{page 76 note 1} Act and Declaration, 1851.Google Scholar

^{page 77 note 1} See this and other Presbyterian acts concerning the authority of the Westminster Confession in Appendix to the Report of Proceedings of the Second General Council of the Presbyterian Alliance, convened at Philadelphia, Sept., 1880 (Philad., 1881), p. 985.Google Scholar

^{page 78 note 1} Ibid., p. 1003.

^{page 78 note 2} See Minutes of the Synod of the Presbyterian Church of England held at Newcastle-upon-Tyne in 1888. There is every prospect that the “Declaratory Statement,” which is in full accord on this point with the expressed views of the Free Church and the United Presbyterian Church, will be adopted.

^{page 78 note 3} See the alterations in Schaff, , Church and State in the United States, pp. 48–52.Google Scholar

^{page 80 note 1} Schaff, Philip, Church and State in the United States, or the American Idea of Religious Liberty, and its Practical Effects. With Official Documents, New York (Scribner's Sons, 1888, 161 pages).Google Scholar

^{page 81 note 1} Bryce, James, The American Commonwealth, L, 16.Google Scholar

^{page 81 note 2} In Virginia it began June 12, 1776, several weeks before the Declaration of Independence (July 4th), by the “Declaration of Rights,” drawn up by Jefferson, but the actual disestablishment of the Church of England was not effected in Virginia till October, 1785, when Jefferson was absent in Paris.

^{page 84 note 1} Democracy in America, translated by Reeve, Henry, N. Y., 1838, I., 285.Google Scholar

^{page 84 note 2} The American Commonwealth, Vol. II., pp. 248, 567sq. (London and New York, Macmillan & Co., 1888).Google Scholar

^{page 86 note 1} “Ut daremus et Christianis, et omnibus liberam potestatem sequendi religionem, guam quisque voluisset.”

^{page 86 note 2} “Ut nulli omnino facultatem abnegandam putaremus, qui vel observationi Christian-orum, vel ei religioni mentem suam dederet.”

^{page 87 note 1} “Ut in colendo, quod quisque delegerit, habeat liberam facultatem, quod nobis placuit, ut neque cuiquam konori, neque cuiquam religioni aliquid a nobis detractum videatur.”

^{page 87 note 2} This passage probably refers to some limitations of the previous Edict of Galerius (311), and to directions for officials which are no longer extant, but it does not justify the hypothesis of an intervening Edict of 312, of which there is no trace.

^{page 88 note 1} la Réligion Prétendue Réformée,—the reproachful title given to the religion of the Huguenots by the Catholics, who regard the whole Reformation as a Deformation.

^{page 88 note 2} la liberté de leurs consciences, et la sûreté de leurs personnes et fortunes.

^{page 89 note 1} une loi générale, claire, nette et absolue.

^{page 89 note 2} per cet Edit perpetuel et irrevocable.

^{page 91 note 1} Here begin the Articles bearing upon the privileges and restrictions of the Huguenots.

^{page 113 note 1} i.e., Réligion Prétendue Reformée, the title uniformly given to the Reformed Church, in this Edict, and in the Edict of Nantes.