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  • 1
    Electronic Resource
    Electronic Resource
    Oxford, UK : Blackwell Publishing Ltd
    Criminology 41 (2003), S. 0 
    ISSN: 1745-9125
    Source: Blackwell Publishing Journal Backfiles 1879-2005
    Topics: Law
    Notes: This paper examines the relationship between race and violent crime by directly modeling the racial gap in homicide offending for large central cities for 1990. We evaluate the role of black-white differences in aspects of both disadvantage and resources in explaining which places have wider racial disparities in lethal violence. The results show that where residential segregation is higher, and where whites' levels of homeownership, median income, college graduation, and professional workers exceed those for blacks to a greater degree, African Americans have much higher levels of homicide offending than whites. Based on these results, we conclude that the racial homicide gap is better explained by the greater resources that exist among whites than by the higher levels of disadvantage among blacks.
    Type of Medium: Electronic Resource
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  • 2
    Electronic Resource
    Electronic Resource
    Oxford, UK : Blackwell Publishing Ltd
    Criminology 25 (1987), S. 0 
    ISSN: 1745-9125
    Source: Blackwell Publishing Journal Backfiles 1879-2005
    Topics: Law
    Notes: In view of (1) escalating national attention and political and judicial activity centering on capital punishment during recent years and (2) concomitant changes in police killing rates, this paper investigates the impact of the death penalty on rates of lethal assaults against the police for the post-Furman period, 1973–1984. In keeping with recent investigations of deterrence and general homicides, multiple regression is used as a means of controlling for the influence of possible confounding variables in examining the capital punishment/police killings relationship. Consistent with previous investigations, the present analysis provides no indication that our national return to capital punishment since Furman has had a systematic impact on police homicides. Law enforcement officers are not afforded an added measure of protection in death penalty compared to abolitionist states, nor is there anything but a chance association between the rate of police killings and the level of use of the death sentence for convicted murderers.
    Type of Medium: Electronic Resource
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  • 3
    Electronic Resource
    Electronic Resource
    Oxford, UK : Blackwell Publishing Ltd
    Criminology 29 (1991), S. 0 
    ISSN: 1745-9125
    Source: Blackwell Publishing Journal Backfiles 1879-2005
    Topics: Law
    Notes: A proper test of the deterrent effect of the death penalty must consider capital homicides. However, the criterion variable in most investigations has been total homicides—most of which bear no legal or theoretical relationship to capital punishment. To address this fundamental data problem, this investigation used Federal Bureau of Investigation data for 1976–1987 to examine the relationship between capital punishment and felony murder, the most common type of capital homicide. We conducted time series analyses of monthly felony murder rates, the frequency of executions, and the amount and type of television coverage of executions over the period. The analyses revealed occasional departures (for vehicle theft and narcotics killings) from the null hypotheses. However, on balance, and in line with the vast majority of capital punishment studies, this investigation found no consistent evidence that executions and the television coverage they receive are associated significantly with rates for total, index, or different types of felony murder.
    Type of Medium: Electronic Resource
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  • 4
    Electronic Resource
    Electronic Resource
    Palo Alto, Calif. : Annual Reviews
    Annual Review of Sociology 31 (2005), S. 331-356 
    ISSN: 0360-0572
    Source: Annual Reviews Electronic Back Volume Collection 1932-2001ff
    Topics: Sociology
    Notes: In 1995, Sampson & Wilson assessed the state of knowledge on race and violence and set forth an approach for future research. We review macrostructural analyses of race, ethnicity, and violent crime since 1995 to evaluate progress in explaining inequality in criminal violence across racial and ethnic groups. Among the important advances are studies that attempt to gain insights from explicit comparisons of racially distinct but structurally similar communities, expansion of work beyond the black-white divide, and incorporation of macrostructural factors into multilevel models of racial/ethnic differences in violence. Yet, progress is limited in all these directions, and additional questions remain. Thus, we offer a perspective and suggestions for future research that will expand knowledge on this important topic.
    Type of Medium: Electronic Resource
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  • 5
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    Chapel Hill, N.C. : Periodicals Archive Online (PAO)
    Social Forces. 71:4 (1993:June) 1001 
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  • 6
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    Unknown
    Chapel Hill, N.C. : Periodicals Archive Online (PAO)
    Social Forces. 66:3 (1988:Mar.) 774 
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  • 7
    Electronic Resource
    Electronic Resource
    Springer
    Law and human behavior 9 (1985), S. 243-269 
    ISSN: 1573-661X
    Source: Springer Online Journal Archives 1860-2000
    Topics: Psychology , Law
    Notes: Abstract This paper is an analysis of the Comprehensive Drug Abuse Prevention and Control Act of 1970. Consistent with value-conflict perspectives, previous research on the social origins of drug legislation suggests that coercive laws occur when the behavior of minority and other subordinate groups become threatening. Liberalizing drug legislation is enacted when the interests of dominant groups seem juxtaposed to existing punitive legislation. The present analysis explores the process of legislative decision making when both subordinateand superordinate groups engage in drug-related behaviors which run counter to dominant norms and values. To do so, a detailed analysis of the congressional committee hearings and floor debates which preceded enactment of the 1970 Act was conducted. This analysis revealed that Congress did not pass a strictly coercive drug control policy at the risk of stigmatizing superordinate groups. Nor did it choose to liberalize drug penalties across the board. Congress perceived that strictly liberal policies might undermine both the instrumental goal of reducing illicit drug activity, and the symbolic goal of expressing general societal disapproval of illicit drug use. Instead, the legislation that emerged from congressional debates contained both liberal and coercive provisions reflecting the requirements of dealing with two targeted populations: young middle and upper class white drug users who became identified as victims of drug traffickers; and large-scale and professional drug dealers who became identified as enemy deviants—the true source and symbol of the drug problem. Liberal, and essentially discriminatory, provisions permitted the protection of the former from stigmatization as criminal felons. Coercive, but apparently nondiscriminatory, provisions provided the threat and potential for severe punishment of the latter. The discriminatory features of the 1970 Act are identified and explicated. And, the implications of the Act's provisions for race- or class-based decisions in the application of sanctions are discussed.
    Type of Medium: Electronic Resource
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  • 8
    Electronic Resource
    Electronic Resource
    Springer
    Sociological forum 14 (1999), S. 465-493 
    ISSN: 1573-7861
    Keywords: segregation ; concentrated disadvantage ; race ; homicide ; violence
    Source: Springer Online Journal Archives 1860-2000
    Topics: Sociology
    Notes: Abstract Discriminatory housing market practices have created and reinforced patterns of racial residential segregation throughout the United States. Such segregation has racist consequences too. Residential segregation increases the concentration of disadvantage for blacks but not whites, creating African-American residential environments that heighten social problems including violence within the black population. At the same time, segregation protects white residential environments from these dire consequences. This hypothesized racially inequitable process is tested for one important type of violence—homicide. We examine race-specific models of lethal violence that distinguish residential segregation from the concentration of disadvantage within racial groups. Data are from the Censuses of Population and Federal Bureau of Investigation's homicide incidence files for U.S. large central cities for 1980 and 1990. Our perspective finds support in the empirical analyses. Segregation has an important effect on black but not white killings, with the impact of segregation on African-American homicides explained by concentrated disadvantage.
    Type of Medium: Electronic Resource
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  • 9
    Electronic Resource
    Electronic Resource
    Springer
    Journal of quantitative criminology 4 (1988), S. 99-119 
    ISSN: 1573-7799
    Keywords: violence ; rape ; poverty ; inequality
    Source: Springer Online Journal Archives 1860-2000
    Topics: Law
    Notes: Abstract In this paper we review and extend a recent analysis of the structural determinants of forcible rape by Smith and Bennett (1985) that builds upon the theoretical works of Blau and Blau (1982) and Schwendinger and Schwendinger (1983). They find that poverty, but not racial economic inequality, is a major contributor to the rape problem. Our replication and extension of their study question these findings and point to serious theoretical and methodological limitations of their analysis. Correcting for these difficulties, we find support for Blau and Blau's argument that high rates of metropolitan rape are an apparent “cost” of general and racial economic inequality (two forms of relative deprivation) but not poverty (absolute deprivation). The analysis strongly suggests that the rape problem is not beyond the reach of general and racial economic reform.
    Type of Medium: Electronic Resource
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